On the evening of May 21, 2026, in a television interview, Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić announced to the public that Serbia would hold early parliamentary elections between late September and mid-November 2026. Furthermore, the Serbian official stressed that if a movement supported by student protesters wins the elections, the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), currently in power, will accept the results. Although President A. Vučić has repeatedly suggested that the elections could be held before the usual deadline, i.e. early elections will be held, the authorities have so far avoided announcing an exact date, fueling accusations from protesters and the opposition that the current government is deliberately prolonging the process, while trying to weaken the movement through political pressure and media campaigns.

It worth mentioning that at the beginning of his visit to China, on May 25, 2026, in a statement to journalists in Beijing, A. Vučić mentioned that he does not support the idea of shortening a presidential term, referring to the decision of former President Boris Tadić to do so. “Such a scenario is meaningless, because you either resign or remain president until the end of the term.” “So, I might resign soon,” A. Vučić emphasized.

Vučić’s reactions came in the context of the responses and posts on social media on the same day, in which the students once again urged citizens to join them at their first big rally of this year, which took place in Slavija Square in Belgrade on May 23, a place also marked by a huge anti-government protest that took place in March 2025. The students, who first called for early elections in May 2025, said that they would announce the list they intend to support, once the elections were officially called. They also said that the list would not include people who previously held government positions and that the movement intends to run independently, without opposition parties.

I must highlight that on May 23, 2026, tens of thousands of people led by students gathered in the Serbian capital to protest against the government and demand early elections. This protest is considered the second largest protest in Serbia since the fall of Slobodan Milošević in October 2000, underscoring the scale and persistence of the student-led movement, which emerged as a political actor last year.

Those who spoke at the demonstration accused the authorities of ignoring months of public demands and framed the protest as part of a broader political struggle ahead of possible early elections. “We are sending a message to the entire people of Serbia, from north to south, from east to west [...]. Whether you are on the left or right, know that the students are winning. The upcoming elections are our chance to finally fulfill our promise: an honest government, freedom and a dignified life,” said student representative Andrej Tanko, a student at the University of Belgrade. Prosecutor Bojana Savović also addressed the crowd, criticizing police violence and selective enforcement. “The use of force against people who have been deprived of their liberty or who do not resist is a crime. No uniform should be above the law,” Savović added. "A state where laws are not enforced or are selectively enforced ceases to be a state and becomes a mafia organization. What we are experiencing today, bombs, extortion, mafia-style crimes, this is not a state, this is anarchy," added B. Savović. Student activists formed security corridors around the stage and repeatedly called on demonstrators to avoid provocations.

In turn, Serbian President A. Vučić responded vehemently to protesters who gathered in Belgrade’s Central Square from several directions, many carrying banners and T-shirts emblazoned with the youth movement’s motto “Students Win.” Columns of cars entered Belgrade from other Serbian cities earlier in the day. Protester Maja Milas Markovic said: “students managed to gather us here with their wonderful youth and energy; I truly believe that we have the right to live normally.” It should be noted that an NGO estimated the attendance at the protests organized on May 23 at between 180,000-190,000 people, while the Serbian Ministry of Interior claimed that only about 34,000 citizens participated. At the same time, government supporters gathered near the Presidency building and in Pioneers Park, where tents and stands were set up last year.

The protests had “huge public support, and that’s because they are a large-scale movement… against the government,” as Tetyana Kekic, a Belgrade-based journalist, told Al Jazeera. She stressed that the challenge for the protesters is that they do not have “a clear political platform or policies… and they do not have a leader or a personality who can truly challenge the president.” In such a context, it should be noted that some opposition parliamentary parties, including the Democratic Party (DS), have made it known to the public that they will not run in the early elections, but will support the student movement, unlike other political parties, such as the Party of Freedom and Justice (SSP), which have made it known their intention to officially participate in the upcoming elections.

However, as expected, in response to the authorities, the Serbian State Railways cancelled all trains to and from Belgrade in an attempt to prevent people from coming from other parts of the country. In the evening, sporadic clashes broke out between protesters and police near the presidency building and outside a park where A. Vučić's supporters have been camping since March 2025.

The police used tear gas and stun grenades[1] as they pushed the protesters further down the street. Protesters set fire to garbage bins. Before the march, there were concerns about a violent clash between protesters and Vučić loyalists, who are often masked and hooded and have assaulted student protesters in the past.

The Minister of Interior Ivica Dačić said 23 people had been detained and accused protesters of attacking police officers. Dačić's appearance at a late-night press conference drew additional attention as he has remained largely silent in recent days following the arrest of former Belgrade police chief Veselin Milić in connection with an investigation into alleged organized crime figures.

The Serbian president has also faced international criticism for his tough approach to the demonstrators. The Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, Michael O’Flaherty, criticized the Serbian government in a published report and said he would “closely monitor the situation.” Although Serbia is officially applying to join the European Union (EU), it has maintained and continues to maintain close ties with Russia and China. The democratic setback under A. Vučić, which is also recognized internationally, could cost his country around 1.5 billion euros in EU funding, as the EU’s top enlargement official warned last month.

According to media reports, the students now say they plan to step up and challenge to Vučić in the upcoming elections later this year or next year, which they hope will remove Serbia’s current leadership. As a result, Vučić, government officials, and the pro-government media have unsurprisingly labeled critics as “terrorists” and foreign agents seeking to destroy the country—rhetoric that has amplified political polarization in Serbia.

Vučić, whose second five-year term ends in May 2027, continues to face strong domestic pressure to call early general elections after the fatal accident at a train station in the northern city of Novi Sad on 1 November 2024, when a concrete canopy collapsed, killing 16 people. The accident sparked nationwide student-led protests demanding accountability and responsibility, while also sharply challenging Vučić's political dominance. Parliament Speaker Ana Brnabić, a member of the SNS leadership and a close ally of Vučić, said last month that the SNS would discuss nominating Vučić as its candidate for prime minister ahead of the snap parliamentary elections. A. Vučić was also Prime Minister between 2014 and 2017. The SNS has been in power since 2012.

We should not overlook the fact that the current Serbian cabinet, led by endocrinologist Đuro Macut, was voted into office by parliament in April 2025, after Miloš Vučević, the leader of the SNS, resigned as prime minister amid massive protests in Serbia. The government led by M. Vučević was installed in May 2024, following early elections held in December 2023. Currently, the SNS holds 129 seats in the Serbian Assembly, out of a total of 250 seats, and holds a majority in coalition with the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), which has 18 seats.

In the context of the shaky domestic situation, in the interview given on May 21, A. Vučić also highlighted the problems Serbia is facing externally and stated that he is not optimistic and that it is unlikely to reach an agreement on the offer of the Hungarian oil company MOL (MOLB.BU), the operator of the only refinery in Serbia, the deadline being initially set for May 22. Russian groups Gazprom Neft (SIBN.MM) and Gazprom (GAZP.MM) sold the majority stake of 56% in Naftna Industrija Srbije (NIS) to MOL in January 2026, after the US demanded the transfer of shares held by Russia due to sanctions imposed by Russia's war against Ukraine.

Washington has given Gazprom Neft (SIBN.MM), Gazprom (GAZP.MM) and MOL until May 22, 2026, to complete the sale, which requires the Serbian government's approval given the state's 29.9% stake in NIS. However, Washington was expected to give the parties more time to reach an agreement, A. Vučić stressed.

The US imposed sanctions on NIS in October 2025 due to the percentage of Russian companies in its ownership, as part of a broader plan of measures targeting Moscow's energy sector. NIS, however, has obtained a number of waivers from the US Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC). However, Washington was expected to give the parties involved more time to conclude an agreement, A. Vučić emphasized. The US has granted a one-month extension of the sanctions’ waiver for NIS, Serbian Energy Minister Dubravka Djedović Handanović said, describing it as the fifth and final such extension.

In conclusion, protests and calls for electoral and institutional reforms are likely to persist and even intensify. Political tension is expected to remain a constant feature on the domestic scene in Serbia, with the need to manage legitimacy pressures increasingly necessary. Serbia will also face increasing external pressure to distance itself from traditional allies such as Russia and to closely monitor its ties with China. Although EU accession is declared a strategic priority, progress on the rule of law and domestic reforms remains slow, putting the goals of European integration to the test.

As enlargement fatigue deepens in EU member states, conditionality is likely to tighten rather than relax, especially with regard to Serbia's alignment with the Common Foreign and Security Policy.

[1] A stun grenade (also known as a flashbang) is a non-lethal military or tactical device that produces a powerful explosion that causes a very bright light and a deafening sound. The purpose is to temporarily disorient the senses of targets without causing lethal damage.